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Moderators:
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Norbert Mappes-Niediek,
Journalist, Financial Times Deutschland, Lieboch/Austria
Gemma Poerzgen-Hoffmann,
Journalist, "Frankfurter Rundschau", Belgrade
Rapporteurs:
Adelheid Feilcke-Tiemann
and Dr. Ursula Ruetten
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1. Course of Discussion
Working Group II intended to draw up an up-to-date inventory
in the field "Media and Culture in Montenegro" and to discuss
future perspectives and, if necessary, alternative solutions
for the ongoing transformation process.
The Working Group mainly consisted of participants from Montenegro,
i.e. representatives of government and parliament, executive
employees of non-state media and cultural bodies - from the
film and cultural fields, as well as from literature and cultural
sciences. In other words, this forum predominantly contained
persons, who are - due to their social and political positions
- tied up in the discourse on the ways and means of democratically
transforming their country and who are also directly confronted
with the every-day consequences of this process. This background
of experience lead to a lively, constructive and open discussion
about the gap between the needs and reality, also because
of many facts controlled from outside and deprived of own
influence and will.
In the field of media, especially the new Media Act inflamed
a controversial discussion: in how far does it change the
quality of the institutions - especially the mass media (and
here especially the electronic media and television were queried).
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Will the democratic control
of a station, for example, work out just by establishing
a broadcasting council ("Rundfunkrat")? |
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Does this already mean a release
from political influence? |
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Would such legal frameworks
already be a guarantee for independent reporting? |
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Despite some
differences in evaluating the governing bodies, the participants
agreed that a good law does not necessarily lead to journalistic
professionalism. Neither does privatization per se. But what
is the core problem?
Criticism
culminated in the following statement:
"It is wrong to draw attention only to the
connotation of media and politics: our problem in Montenegro
is the fact that we do not have a state which is strong enough
- neither politically nor economic-wise. Therefore we do not
really have to fear any predominance from this side. It is
a problem, however, that our system is not ready as yet to
ensure the implementation of the act or to rather accept it.
Neither have we sufficiently qualified journalists or editors,
nor those, who do not stick to the old mental patterns, who
are critical when it comes to the past and who are free of
self-censorship towards political power. Conclusion: Also
in this regard, Montenegro is still living in a closed-up
and authority-fixated society".
Thus a problem
of not only political but also social emancipation came up.
Surely a drawback, which cannot be solved within a short period
of time.
Compared to such criticism regarding the underdeveloped democratic
substance of the Montenegrin society, the concerns about assigning
the broadcasting frequencies
and licenses, which are a disadvantage for the financially
week Montenegrin market especially while facing the Serbian
interest, seem rather moderate. Investors, like the German
WAZ group (at Vesti) were even rated "valuable". Such co-operations
are considered to promise the country much more security,
inputs for technological innovations and thus better market
chances. Paternalism with regard to the contents, however,
is not really suspected.
But, it is the unloved "Big Brother" Serbia, whose center
of power, Belgrade, is still too much equated with the political
focus of Serbia and Montenegro,
who is obviously producing the fear of foreign infiltration.
Especially since at least the participants of this Working
Group would like to see themselves independent from Serbia
rather today than tomorrow, if necessary only in three years,
like it is provided by the latest international agreements.
Unison, there were complaints about the Serbian hegemony pursuit,
which grabs like the tentacles of an octopus at all fields
of the social, economical and political life in Montenegro
- media and culture surely included. Only little own economic
power is opposing the Serbian push on the small Montenegrin
market. In addition, it is a restraint that especially cultural
operations are still very steadfastly, conservative, i.e.
incrusted. It was even expressed that exactly this creative
field is the least reformed social sector, when it comes to
its structures.
In the field of media, especially the influence of the commercial
and politically most dubious Serbian TV-channels "Pink" and
"BK" were criticized as a transmission belt for exclusively
Serbian positions and values. There is no space for specific
Montenegrin contents. There are, however, big and drastic
differences in the tradition and culture of both states and
nations, which require medial negotiations.
In the discussion about cultural
questions, the aspect of protecting the national
identity was strongly emphasized. If Montenegro now
steps out of the close political connection with Serbia, it
is even more important to commemorate its own century-old
history of national independence, when there was enough time
to develop own Montenegrin values and life style. In those,
the variety of national minorities has always had its own
space. But this cultural self-image has to be enforced much
more than it is the case right now, and the localization of
Montenegro as an independent cultural factor in the European
context, as well. This, however, requires the support of the
Ministry of Culture, e.g. by protecting and promoting the
national heritage more extensively, also as "strategic partnerships".
2. Recommendations
The discussions resulted in a variety of
detailed recommendations and wishes, which are here divided
in two groups, according to the people addressed: |
| 1. |
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Recommendations, addressed to the
responsible persons in the political field of the media in Montenegro
itself. |
| 2. |
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Recommendations addressed to international
partners (governments and organizations) in order to further
democratically consolidate the media situation in the country |
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The following recommendations
are addressed to those responsible in Montenegro
| 1. |
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To reduce the permanent staff
of the public radio and television station of Montenegro
from presently 1000 to 300 employees so that the work
there will be more (cost-) efficient. In consequence: |
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to appropriately compensate
the released employees; |
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to professionally train the
remaining staff in vocational training courses to meet
the requirements of modern and democratic media; |
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to develop mechanisms in order
to avoid further politicizing of the supervisory boards |
| 2. |
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Not to repeat the finalized
licensing procedure (according to the Media Act), since
this would lead to uncertainty again; however, to correct
obvious mistakes |
| 3. |
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To particularly protect minorities
media, especially because of the (financially) potent
competition from outside (Serbia, Albania). |
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To apply additional strict
criteria for authorizing these foreign media, since they
could bring foreign cultural infiltration and destroy
the weak Montenegrin media (e.g. TV Pink, which is - due
to the Serbian market - financially much stronger and
equipped with better advertising possibilities). The target
should be to gain equal opportunities with Serbia. |
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To maintain and consciously
promote the existing regional/local variety of the media:
this is politically necessary for the democratization
process, even though partly counterproductive, economically
speaking. |
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The following recommendations
are addressed to the international/German partners:
| 1. |
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To intensively and further
support the journalists' qualification, because: |
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professional journalists enable
a better control of the power bodies; |
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professional journalist can
deal with hot topics (corruption, social questions) in
a better manner. |
| 2. |
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To promote and enable disputes
on "what went wrong in the past". |
| 3. |
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To set up special journalistic
training and informative programs dealing with European
integration. |
| 4. |
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To offer projects for regional
integration (Montenegro and its neighbors: Bosnia, Croatia,
Serbia, Kosovo, Albania). |
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To support quality: of journalists
as well as of the media as such. |
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To harmonize the laws on the
media of the whole region and not to concentrate the support
only on Montenegro and Serbia. |
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To help the small, local media
with special donations (of German or international foundations?)
to survive the radical changes. Effects: |
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the creative potential, especially available
in small stations, is supported; |
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the "milieu of cultural and regional variety"
is preserved; |
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specific modernization, professionalizing
and networking would reinforce these stations and ensure
better chances to survive. |
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To offer "strategic partners"
for Montenegrin media to resist the "import of culture
from neighboring republics", from the "hegemonic power
Serbia". Therefore |
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to support media and cultural projects
which contribute to the preservation of Montenegro's cultural
heritage and cultural identity: to take Montenegro's worries
and needs about it serious: "The
Montenegrin question is a democratic question: Keep the
pressure from outside away from us!" |
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To forward claims to the neighboring
countries so that they are behaving fair and respect Montenegro's
identity. |
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To further promote NGOs and
independent media because they are most important guarantors
for a civil society. |
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Montenegro has played a positive
part in the conflicts and is therefore appreciated as
a regional meeting point and is respected by all neighbors:
This should be especially esteemed and promoted (with
projects, conferences). |
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Montenegro should become the
domicile of foundations (at least of a German foundation). |
| 13. |
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To promote the German language. |
Translation:
Claudia Puscher |
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